In a world where even stable democracies are beginning to falter, every society faces a fundamental question in due time: What protects us when the institutions we trust fail? What gives stability when central governments drift, when political violence increases, and when cultural diversity is no longer defended but flattened?

The debate around Catalonia’s independence is often reduced to simplistic narratives: romantic nationalism, fiscal imbalances, or identity politics. But beyond such buzzwords lies a pragmatic perspective: autonomy and independence as strategic precautions in an increasingly unstable world order. Considering global developments, particularly Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine, Catalanism can be understood not only as cultural self-assertion but as protection against potential authoritarianism or political instability in Spain in the decades to come.

Repression in Historical Memory

The notion that a cultural minority could be subjected to state repression is not an abstract fear in Catalonia but a documented historical reality. During the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975), the Catalan language was banned from schools and government institutions, Catalan first names were prohibited, cultural expression was suppressed, and regional institutions were abolished. Between 1938 and 1953, an estimated 4,000 people were executed in Catalonia alone [1] , including Lluís Companys, the president of the Generalitat. Beyond the executions, thousands more died in prisons, concentration camps, labor battalions, and exile – including in Nazi death camps [3] [4] . The National Archives of Catalonia have documented nearly 70,000 individual repression proceedings in total [2] .

These events are not a distant chapter of history but present in the personal memory of many of today’s parents and grandparents. They shape a deep need for structural safeguards against possible democratic regression in the future.

A Brief History of Catalonia

For centuries, Catalonia was a distinct political entity. From the 12th century onward, as part of the Crown of Aragon, it maintained its own institutions, laws, and language. Much of this autonomy was lost after the War of Spanish Succession in 1714. The 20th century brought a phase of systematic oppression under the Franco regime, as noted above. The current Autonomous Community of Catalonia was established in 1979 under the new Spanish Constitution as an attempt to reconcile historical identity with the democratic present.

Today, Catalonia has its own parliament, its own police force (Mossos d’Esquadra), an education system with a cultural focus, and public media. These institutions form the backbone of democratic self-governance. In times of crisis, they provide an institutional shelter.

But how resilient are these structures under pressure?

Geopolitical Comparisons

The war of aggression against Ukraine demonstrates: state sovereignty does not guarantee security, but it does enable agency. As a recognized state, Ukraine can receive international aid, engage diplomatically, and strengthen its position in order to hopefully one day be able to defend itself victoriously, once and for all.

Regions within authoritarian or highly centralized states, such as Ukraine before 1991 as part of the Soviet Union, do not have these possibilities. Their resistance is often not recognized as a legitimate pursuit of self-determination but dismissed as a domestic issue and accordingly ignored or downplayed. The situations are obviously not comparable in terms of starkness – Catalonia is not facing an armed invasion – but the underlying pattern is the same: without sovereignty, there is no seat at the table.

This was also the case with Catalonia’s efforts in 2017: many governments and international institutions referred to the “domestic nature” of the conflict. While such restraint might appear understandable from a foreign policy perspective, it reveals the structural problem: without sufficient political sovereignty, visibility and legitimacy are lacking.

Other examples illustrate this dynamic:

• In East Turkestan (Xinjiang), millions of Uyghurs are culturally disenfranchised and in some cases forced into labor. Re-education camps, language displacement, and digital surveillance are extensively documented. Yet international reactions remain muted, out of deference to China’s territorial integrity and hegemonic status.
• In Chechnya and Tatarstan, two formally autonomous republics within Russia, there is in practice no self-determination. Dissenting voices are branded as extremist, and criticism is absent, once again with reference to the inviolability of state unity.

These examples are, of course, not comparable to the current situation in Catalonia. But they show: the degree of international legal sovereignty largely determines whether and how a region receives international protection or room to maneuver – and similar conditions existed in Catalonia just half a century ago.

Europe Protects, but Not Automatically

Even within the European Union, democratic rights and cultural diversity are not guaranteed. Developments in Poland and Hungary show that even member states can develop authoritarian tendencies, often with only limited intervention from European institutions. Catalonia’s desire for more self-determination is therefore not an anti-European reflex but an expression of forward-thinking governance: to take precautions before they become necessary.

Language, Tradition, and the Need for Belonging

The Catalan language and culture are not merely identity markers but expressions of a universal need for belonging, rootedness, and continuity. To live and speak in one’s own language, to share rituals, and to feel connected to others are among the most fundamental human needs. When such cultural expressions are displaced by political uniformity, a slow erosion of a collective identity begins.

That is why Catalonia places great emphasis on mother-tongue education, cultural participation, and public visibility – not to create division, but to strengthen social resilience.

A comparable case is Estonia, which under Soviet rule preserved language and cultural institutions as a bulwark against Russification. That experience shows: cultural continuity makes a society resistant and future-proof; and Estonia could eventually break free.

An Inclusive Understanding of Nationhood

Modern Catalanism is not based on ethnic or cultural exclusivity but on an open, civic conception of nationhood. Unlike many other patriotic movements worldwide that focus on descent and origin, Catalan identity is defined linguistically, culturally, and politically.

Catalan is anyone who engages with the language, society, and democracy – regardless of origin, religion, or mother tongue.

This openness is not a contradiction to strong identity awareness but its prerequisite in a pluralistic democracy.

A Rational and Forward-Looking Project

Catalanism is not a nostalgic uprising but a long-term strategic project: an investment in institutional stability, cultural self-assertion, and democratic resilience. The demand for deeper autonomy or independence is not an expression of arrogance but a precautionary principle. It forms an institutional insurance against political risks.

This is not against Spain but for Catalonia. It is not about exclusion but about the right to protect one’s own values, structures, and language for an open society.

Even those who do not support full independence may recognize a nuanced concern in this essay. At its core, it is not about confrontation but about building robust self-governance – alongside Spain.

Ultimately, it is about responsibility for future generations: so that children and grandchildren are not once again deprived of their language or marginalized in society. When identity, language, and participation are not institutionally anchored, the result is often withdrawal from public life or emigration and with it, the slow disappearance of the Catalan language and culture.

To advocate today for sustainable autonomy structures, institutional visibility, and cultural resilience is to secure the freedom of tomorrow – not just for oneself, but for everyone, today and in the future.

Visca Catalunya!